Kshatriya Women: Honoring Their History
Whenever the mention of Rajput women appears in media or popular discourse, write-ups, readings and commentaries try to portray Rajput women as powerless, voiceless entities, clad in purdah, either reduced to being arm-candies of mighty Ranas or as vulnerable sacrificial goats in case of wars, proudly running into pyres with burden of honour on their shoulders. Atleast, this is how a sorry picture of Rajput women has been broad-brushed in popular media so far. However, historical evidences are known to challenge all easy assumptions employed by narrative manufacturers. This article tries to probe the socio-political role of Rajput women in the Indian subcontinent through ages.
Contrary to the popular belief that Rajput women were historically confined to the backdrop in Rajput historiography, as a matter of fact, Rajput women had a definitive role to play in the glory that history has associated with Rajputs. Socialization process, coupled with cultural practices, art and literature reveals an elaborate and distinctive process for the construction of Rajput women’s agency.
Varsha Joshi’s Purdah and Polygamy goes a long way toward redressing the traditional silence on women’s contributions to Rajput history, amply demonstrating Rajput women’s bravery, influence, and political aptitude. But as Joshi herself points out, Rajput women could be among the most staunch defenders of their culture’s values; they often placed their strength behind, not in opposition to, Rajput patriarchal norms.
Not just Royal Decor but Trained Warriors
Image manufacturers have forged an impression of Rajput women mostly being groomed by helpers, playfully enjoying a recluse in their Zenana Deorhi, only ending up burning themselves at the funeral pyres or being made a sacrificial goat in politically motivated matrimonial alliances. But interestingly and contrarily, Rajput women were more than just Royal Decor. They were dignified entities, asserting an agency of their own and treated with respect and honour at each stage of her life.
The ethos of sacrifice and valour was inculcated amongst Rajput girls through several methods. They were endowed with pride in the legacy of their clan through the numerous tales that were narrated to them by the Charans and Bhats of their families.This exercise definitely added to their individual notion of honour.
In times, when men had to respond to the call of the battlefield, it was imperative to impart military training to Rajput women for self-defense, in case it was required during exigencies. At times, when men used to be away, there were occasions when ranwas were attacked.
Rajput women were well versed in warfare. They learnt how to use sword and spear. Daughters of kings and warriors also took lessons in horsemanship.
This tradition of military training to daughters survived in some of the thikanas of Mewar until the 20th century although the expectation that women will have to participate in a battle became minimal. The daughters had to make weekly visits to the silahkhana (weaponary), in order to reinforce their familiarity with the arms and ammunitions.
Ustaads were appointed for each child to teach them horse-riding. This pattern of socialization was, however, largely confined to the daughters of the upper strata of society i.e. those who belonged to the ruling family and the nobility.
Presence of Rajput Women in Administration
As a matter of fact, Rajput women were capable of holding pen with as much facility as the sword. Some women controlled the administration efficiently. Although hidden from public view, the Rajput rani or queen retained a close eye on the affairs of state through maiden messengers, spies, and regular audiences with the king. The variegated schools of Rajput painting further evince the involvement of ranis in state affairs. The highly political role of Rajput women in these dealings reflects the strong familial basis of Rajput polities.
The study of Rajput architecture also reveals the significant extent to which ranis were involved in state affairs. The hall where the Rajput ruler of Gwalior (Madhya Pradesh) held court (diwan-i-khas), for example, features an upper balcony with latticed stonework through which Rajput women of the royal household could keep a close eye on politics without being exposed in public.
Akkadevi, the sister of Vikramaditya, the Solanki king, was not only a great warrior but also a great administrator. She was the governor of four provinces and she led an expedition against the fort in the Belgaon District, Bombay State, and besieged it. She proved to be a great administrator. She led a military campaign and proved her worth on the battlefield.
Sisodia queen of Maharaja Anup Singh of Bikaner, used to run the administration in the early years of Maharaja Swarup Singh.
The queen of Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Jodhpur, Rani, acted as the regent of Prince Ajit Singh of Jodhpur, and had sent petition to Aurangzeb for getting the throne for Ajit Singh.
The 19th Century queen of Punjab Hill States, Guleri Rani of Sirmur had resisted the British East India Company. The first critical reference to the rani of Sirmur in contemporary historiography is in an article written by Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. The Rani of Sirmur engaged in negotiations with the British, leveraging the historical significance of her Rajput heritage to assert Sirmur’s political relevance among the hill states of Punjab. Contrary to the portrayal of her as an oppressed or marginalized figure suggested by Spivak, it is important to recognize that sati was not her sole means of defense.
The story of Tarabai, the warrior wife of Prithviraj, the second son of Rana Raimal, is recounted by Tod. She joined the cavalcade in their unsuccessful attempts to wrest Toda from the Afghan.
Rani Durgavati, the ruling queen of Gondwana, was a warrior of immense bravery, wit and valour. Rani Durgavati’s family descended from the Rajput Chandela kings. They had already repelled Mahmud of Ghazni but by the time Durgavati was born in 1524, the Gond indigenous kings had the upper hand. In 1542, she wed Dalpat Shah, the eldest son of the king Sangram Shah of the Garha Kingdom. As per Abu Fazl, her husband Dalpat Shah was a Kachhwah adopted by childless Sangram Shah. His father Govind Shah was a Kachhwah serving Sangram Shah. The Chandelas of Mahoba and Rajgonds of Garha-Mandla dynasties became allies through this marriage. She ruled in her son’s name following the death of her husband. When the Mughal General Khwaja Abdul Majid Asaf Khan invaded her kingdom with his massive army, she refused to budge and arrived on the battlefield to fight for her kingdom. She fought bravely in spite of many injuries, declaring that she would rather kill herself than surrender to the enemy.
Similarly, Jawahirdevi, a queen of Rana sanga, after her husband’s death, headed the army and died fighting, defending Chittor.
Another instancis that of famous Hadi Rani, who had just been married to the Rao of Salumbar. When he was summoned by the Maharana, to help repulse an attack by Aurangzeb. he had great difficulty going for war, leaving his beautiful wife, behind. He asked her to send him some souvenir, to be taken along. On realising that she was coming in the way of her husband’s duty, the devoted wife, drew a sword and sliced off her head, so that be could take that with him. This sacrifice of his wife inspired him to undertake his duty as a soldier.
The Maharani Sonegari Ji (14th Century) played a key role in the administration of Mewar and helped the Maharana Hammir I to regain and consolidate his kingdom.
Rathore Rani Hansa Bai was the daughter of Rao Chunda Rathore of Mandore. After the death of her husband, Maharana Lakha, she became the Rajmata. Rajmata Hansa Bai not only looked after the kingdom of Mewar for consecutive generations but also played a key role in the establishment of kingdom of Marwar.
Lal Kunwar Bai (popularly known as Lala Mewari) was the daughter of Maharana Mokal (r.1421-1433 CE). She was married to Achaldas Khinchi of Gagron, son of Raja Bhoj. Rani Lal Kunwar Bai headed the court affairs administratively in the absence of her husband whenever he was fighting at warfront.
Maharani Sobhagya Devi became Rajmata after the demise of Maharana Mokal (r.1421-33 CE). As the Rajmata, she acted as the guardian of her son Maharana Kumbha (r. 1433-68 CE), as he sat on the throne of Mewar at the young age of 16. She handled the administration and court affairs
in Mewar.
Born a Kalachuri princess, Queen Karpuradevi was married to Someshvara Chauhan of Imperial Chauhan Rajput dynasty of Sakambhari. Death of Maharaj Arnoraja created an instability in the Ajmer kingdom. Rani Karpuradevi was now supposed to protect her children and the kingdom, amidst the threat of treason and invasion. Due to Rani Karpuradevi’s able administration, the vast Chauhan kingdom continued to flourish with undiminished glory. The son she raised needs no introduction, an unparalleled warrior and the pride of Chauhan clan of Rajputs, Samrāṭa Prithvirāja Chauhāna.
Harkha Bai, born a Rajput princess, was married to Akbar by her father, Raja Bharmal of Amer due to political exigencies. However, her marriage to Akbar led to a gradual shift in the latter’s religious and social policies. She was given the title of Marium-uz-Zamani and is widely regarded in modern Indian historiography as exemplifying both Akbar’s tolerance of religious differences and their inclusive policies within an expanding multi-ethnic and multi-religious empire. She was the only women of Akbar’s reign whose involvement in international trade is recorded. She was one of the great female patrons of the architecture of her time. She was one of the four senior-most figures in the Mughal court and the only woman to hold the highest military rank which was at par with the rank of the emperor itself, 12,000 cavalry units. Mariam-uz-Zamani’s retirement after her husband’s death along with the death of Jagat Gosain led to the decline of Rajput influence in the Mughal court.
The long list of more Rajput Women who administered Mewar can be accessed here :
Agency of Rajput Women in Matters of Matrimony
There are references to the ‘Svayamvara’ form of marriage among the Rajput’s whether they were rich or poor. Women married after attaining the age of majority.
According to Al Beruni, “Women were all educated and took an active part in public life. Girls could read and write and understand Sanskrit. They learned to play, dance and paint portraits.”
But there existed regressive warrior-ethic among Rajputs that said that only dharti (land) or dulhan ( bride) from the guilty clan or family carried the enough worth for the pacification of the adversary. There are numerous instances where the vairs were quenched (vair hujhana) by cession of the territory or by matrimonial alliance among the Rajputs.
An interesting example for the same can be seen when the daughter of Laj Songara had been married to Rao Rindmal so that the latter may not destroy Songara. The alliance was a means of buying protection. In another example, Rao Bika (1472-1504), the founder of the Bikaner state, was given decisive help by his maternal uncle Napa Sankla and his position was further secured and got consolidated by matrimonial alliances with the Bhatis.
Also Raja Sur Singh (1613-1631) was aided by Bhati Samant against his brother Dalpat because Sur Singh had married a Bhati girl.
In such a system, where political considerations remained supreme, women were reduced to objects of transaction and could be given or taken for buying peace, raising status and enhancing the honour of a particular clan.
But, matrimonial alliances have been a significant part of politics and diplomacy throughout history, including in ancient India and Europe and was not an exclusive feature of the Rajput culture. The Nandas, Mauryas, Indo-Greeks, Sakas, and the Imperial and later Guptas all formed alliances through marriage. Richard II’s diplomatic marriage to Eleanor of Aquitaine, a Kulin Brahmin’s ritual marriage with dozens of women, or Asaf al-Daula’s apparently unconsummated marriage with Shams al-Nisā’ Begum exemplifies this custom of establishing political alliances through matrimony prevalent in world history.
Within a Rajput family, a difference existed between the status of a married and an unmarried woman. The latter was to be respected and was not to be humiliated.
The property that was given to a Rajput woman by her parents at the time of her wedding, in the form of dowry, was recognized as her personal property.
It is true that an elite Rajput widow had no claim over her husband’s property, but that should not mean she was living a poverty stricken life, since a particular amount of money was fixed for the expenditure of the widows and, they were also granted pattas of villages which brought them a regular income; hence they were by and large economically secure.
Mahtab Kunwarji, the patrani or the head of the Bikaner Raola, and the wife of Maharaja Dungar Singh, held the jagir of six villages, yielding an annual income of 17, 600/- rupees. Chandrawatji Maji, widow of Maharaja Lal Singh of Bikaner, held five villages in jagir, yielding an income of six thousand. In addition, she was also receiving rupees two thousand per annum from the state treasury. Similarly, many examples are there showing that financially these Rajput widows were in a safe position.
It seems widow remarriage was present among the elite Rajputs in the medieval period, prior to the Mughals. Kanaits and Natrayats among Rajputs explode one of the best-publicised myths regarding the Rajputs- that they do not believe in widow remarriage. The widow of a certain Rao Ranangade Bhati, was asking Rao Kelhan to marry her because she wanted to avenge her husband’s death through him. However, this proposal did not materialise.
Widow remarriage, though not very common, was not prohibited either. It is not clear during what period do prohibitions on widow remarriage of upper caste Rajput women appear. But in the Khyats, one hardly finds examples of widow remarriage during the post-Mughal period.
We come across examples of not only Rajput widows remarrying, but also Rajput women leaving their husbands when they were still alive.
When polygamy was an accepted norm in Rajput aristocracy, all the wives could not be given equal treatment and they were well aware of their position after
getting married. But, there is no shortage of examples, when these Rajput women were not willing to suffer humiliation at their husband’s hand reflecting their self respect. The folk song of Bainabai is famous in Rajasthan. It is an instance of a woman who revolted against her husband, who had hit her at some issue, and wrote to her father asking for army to be sent against her husband. On hearing this, the husband tried to lure her by promising her a precious necklace, but Bainabai rejected this.
Rawal Jagmal of Mehva, had Chauhan wife with three sons from her. Though the very purpose of a marriage was complete,i.e. of the continuation of line by male successors, Jagmal married a Gehlot princess. As a result the Chauhan wife got annoyed, as she feared a
loss of favour to herself from her husband’s side after he married the Gehlot princess and as a mark of protest, went to Barmer along with her sons.
In another instance of protest, Umade Bathiani, queen of Rao Malde, left her husband and refused to return back to him.
Pabuji’s sister had written to her brother to take action against her husband, who had insulted her on not having brought dowry.
These instances clearly reveal that the elite Rajput women were not always prepared to lose their self respect and were keen to preserve their dignity as wives. Moreover, an attitude of
protest is reflected in their actions, as they were not always prepared to accept the norms laid down for a married woman which were unfavourable to them and thereby giving unrestricted authority to their male counterparts.
Muhnot Nainsi, a reliable chronicler, guides us through a rich tapestry of narratives showcasing how both married and unmarried Rajput women have defied the moral codes imposed by their male counterparts. These women have, at times, engaged in romantic relationships with men of significantly lower social standing.
Nainsi even narrates the story of a Rajput widow marrying a Muslim Chief: the widow of the Rao of Jaisalmer married Ghazni Khan, Afghan Chief of Jalor.
Nainsi also tells stories of Rajput women going for a second marriage,at times even before they were widowed. In a fight with Songra, Rao Tida Rathore defeated him and then pursued his wife Sisodini with the offer of ‘settling down’ with her (ghar wasa). She accepted the offer on condition that their son would be the legitimate successor to the throne. Sajan Bhawal, says Nainsi, was an eminent Rajput. Dewri was the wife of Chanpa Sindhal. She left her husband and went over to the house of Sajan Bhawal. As her husband followed her to her new abode, the two men fought it out and killed each other. Significantly, all these instances belong to either the pre-Mughal period or at best the period before Akbar’s reign.
Dynamics of Social Segregation of Rajput Women
Originally, all Rajputs performed the religious functions, chief among which were worshiping Rajput kuldevis (goddesses of the kul) and venerating family satis (women who have immolated themselves on their husbands’ funeral pyres).
In folklore and charan literature, women’s ornaments and attire were linked to the spirit of chivalry and sacrifice that pervaded the contemporary political culture. Similarly, ivory bangles worn by Rajput women meant that their husbands were so brave that they could kill an elephant.
However, an evil practice prevailed among some Rajputs who regarded the birth of a daughter as a bad omen and such female children were killed at birth. It was chiefly because being a male-doninated warrior community, birth of a male progeny was considered to be more fruitful due to strategic reasons.
Prior to the Mughal arrival, there was some openness in the elite Rajput families. In the pre-Mughal period, we find that the Rajput clan structure was more accommodating and there was less male–female segregation.
Changes occurred after the political and administrative paramountcy of the Mughals, however, the clan character of the Rajputs did not undergo substantial changes. The Mughal preferred the Rajputs because of their clan following.
The position of women was affected when Rajputs started organizing their harem (Zenana Deorhi) on the imperial model. Thereafter, no male above the age of five was allowed to enter the Zenana. We rely upon Nainsi again to tell us that Raja Suraj Singh of Jodhpur (r. 1599–1620) replicated the Mughal Zenana Deorhi model in every detail in his Rajput home.
Screened windows in the zenana allowed women to look into the mardana and watch men’s activities, both from their own apartments and from a common, screened hall. At Jaipur, the Hawa Mahal provided a looming wall of pierced, screen windows through which royal women could watch the city streets below. But notably, these were not powerless eyes: it was a powerful female gaze; the queens had influence enough to act on what they saw.
For decades, this social segregation system for Rajput women continued & Rajput women traditionally lived in the exclusion of purdah.
Socially, the stigma associated with women’s segregation and purdah was such that one of the factors which could render the Rajput less reputable included Rajput women sharing outdoor agricultural activities. The reason for the low participation of Rajput women in agriculture and public appearance was probably their cultural ethos.
In the book, Sita’s Daughters: Coming Out of Purdah, Leigh Minturn, using the case study of Khalapur village, subtly explains the dynamics between the Rajput women and the purdah system and how this stigma was gradually broken.
But again, the way Purdah has been singularly associated with Rajput women in popular discourse is a misleading exercise because social segregation existed in communities other than Rajputs as well for different reasons.
History attests how European female evangelicals wrote about their zenana (socially segregated female quarters) encounters in colonial Bengal. The Purda system became quite common among rich Hindu Families of Bengal, Bihar and U. P. in the 15th and the 16th centuries. Both Vidyapati and
Chaitanya refer to it.
Purdah system was also introduced in their families by the Maratha rulers with a desire to render themselves as respectable as the Muslim kings whom they had supplanted.
“This woman who sees without being seen frustrates the coloniser,” said Frantz Fanon on Algerian women wearing the veil.
Sutapa Dutta’s essay ‘The Memsahibs’ Gaze: Representation of the Zenana in India’ documents the colonial officer-wives’ (memsahibs) visits to the Indian Zenanas. Much has been written about the ‘white woman’s burden’ (Burton 1992), and how by writing about their Indian counterparts (memsahibs’ gaze), they were identifying themselves as active agents in the grand scheme of male white imperialism based on the ideology of ‘civilizing’ and ‘controlling’ their ‘degraded’ sisters (Chaudhuri and Strobel 1992; Seton 2013).
It won’t be wrong to assert that how we see Purdah and gendered social segregation today has been an Orientalist construct. The well-worn, stereotypical, ‘already known’ colonial perception of the native woman came to be represented as that of a victimised slave of her husband’s passion, submissive and ineffectual in making any decision. Our perception of Zenana and Purdah are also largely a byproduct of colonial (orientalist) indoctrination.
Rajput Women as Patrons of Art & Architecture
In the realm of painting patronage, too, women seem to have participated actively in what appears to have been highly patriarchal customs.
The Suratkhana records at Jaipur mentions that in 1778, Maharani Jadam
bought portraits of her son, husband (Maharaja Pratap Sinh), father-in-law (Madho Simh), and three brothers from Karauli. Later, her staff bought another picture of her husband and seven of
thakurs. Queens may also have commissioned portraits by specific painters: from the artist Ram, on one occasion, Sahib Ram on another, and
from the artist Govindram on a third occasion. In addition, they sometimes
presented portraits as gifts to their sovereign husbands and fathers: between I804 and 1806, the Vikawat
and Jadam Ranis both gave the ruler portraits of himself and of male courtiers. Within the larger context of the court, there was nothing unusual about women buying or giving away men’s portrait.
Both Rajasthan and Gujarat are rich in examples of water monuments whose construction was funded by either lay or Rajput aristocratic women. The
most striking and among the earliest known examples are the stepwells of Gujarat, among which, many, including two monumental structures—the Rūdādevi stepwell in Adalaj (named after its patron the Vaghela queen Rūdādevi and completed in the fifteenth century) and Rāṇī kī Vāv in Patan (commissioned by the Chalukya queen Udayamati sometime in the
eleventh century) — are attributed to royal Rajput women patrons based on inscriptional evidence.
Jutta Jain‐Neubauer in her pioneering study of Gujarat’s stepwells notes several
examples of women in medieval Gujarat who commissioned stepwells.
Another Rajput woman named Karpuradevi is recorded in Marwar having commissioned a stepwell named Tārā Vāv after her deceased son Tarachand.
In the eighteenth century, Champaji, the mother of Rawat Hari Singh, was the sponsor of a Govardhan temple, a stepwell, and a garden. The inscription also records the donations she made on at the time of consecration of these structures.
A well‐known example is Rāṇījī kī Bāvaḍi in Bundi, said to have been commissioned around 1699 by the queen Nāthāwatjī. A recent inventory of the stepwells of Bundi indicates at least two more water bodies commissioned by women.
In the nineteenth century, the queen Canaṇ Kanwar Shekhavat commissioned the Canaṇsāgar Lake in Bikaner.
Jayatalladevi, Rawal Tej Singh’s Queen got constructed the temple of Shyam
Parshawnath at Chittor. Jayatalladevi was a very prominent figure in the court as she plays a key role in constructions and court of the Mewar dynasty during the time period of both of her husband and the son.
According to Ramanath Kund / Mandir Inscription found at Zawar, Udaipur Maharana Kumbha’s daughter Rama
Bai constructed the Ramaswami temple and Ram Kund at Zawar. According to this inscription Maharana Kumbha taught music to her which itself is of great significance and an example of continuing musical tradition in Mewar.
Maharani Shringar Devi, daughter of Rao Jodha, the founder of Jodhpur was married to Maharana Raimal (r.1473 – 1509 CE). She constructed a step-well a
t Gosundi (near Chittorgarh) in Vikram Samvat 1561.
Maharani Dheer Kunwar was a wife of Maharana Udai Singh II (r. 1536-72 CE) was the daughter of Lunkaran and grand-daughter of Rawal Jaitsi Singh of Jaisalmer. She built a stepwell, a temple and an Inn outside village of Debari.
Maharani Sahajkunwar Solanki was the second wife of Maharana Udai Singh II was the daughter of Rao Prithviraj and grand-daughter of Rao Sursen Solanki of
Toda. She got the Sarai, the stepwell, the Shiva temple and Shree Prahladrai temple built near Lake Udai Sagar.
Maharani Veer Kunwar was wife of Maharana Udai Singh II (r. 1536-72 CE). She was the daughter of Jetra Singh
Jhala from Kherwa, Marwar. Jhali Rani built a perennial stepwell for public welfare which is still present near Padan Pol at Fort Chittorgarh and supplies water in the Fort. It is also known as ‘Jhali ki Bavdi’.
Baijilal Kika Bai, daughter of Maharana Udai Singh II along with her mother Rani Dheer Kunwar established the Bhatyani Bazar in Udaipur. Now, it is
known as Bhatyani Chohatta.
Maharani Ramras De was the wife of Maharana Raj Singh I (r. 1652-1680 CE) & the daughter of Panwar Jhujar
Singh of Ajmer. She constructed a step well called ‘Trimukhi Bawri’ near Jharna ki Sarai at Debari in 1676 CE. The Trimukhi Bawri is also known Jaya Bawri.
During the reign of Maharana Raj Singh I (r. 1652 – 1680 CE), Sunder Baiji constructed the Sunder Bavdi (step-well) near Pahada village, Udaipur in 1660 CE.
Baijilal Roop Kunwar was the daughter of Maharana Sangram Singh II. A temple of Shree Roop Shiromaniji was constructed by her in Vikram Samvat 1828 (1771 CE) in Udaipur near Telion ki Sarai. She also constructed lodge for the travellers and devotees.
Maharani Bhatiyani was the wife of Maharana Sardar Singh (r.1838-1842 CE) from Muroli. She got constructed Shree
Sardar Swarup Bihari temple on the west bank of lake Pichola. So, it is known as ‘Maji ka Mandir’ and the ghat along with it is called ‘Maji ka Ghat’.
Apart from Rajput royal women commissioning water architecture and temples, we also find Cenotaphs dedicated to Rajput women. The Maharaniyon ki Chhatriyan complex, situated on the Amber Road from Jaipur, is the only one of its kind—wherein monuments dedicated only to the women of the royal household of the Kachwaha dynasty stand tall. This is in contrast with the other chhatri precincts which are either dedicated only to the men of the royal household or members of both genders.
Mellia Belli Bose in Royal Umbrellas of Stone writes that by the seventeenth century, commissioning a chhatri had become a seminal performance of Rajput kingship and legitimate political power, potentially explaining why women’s chhatris did not gain as much importance.
There are also sati stones or memorials erected to honor the widows of men killed in battle—widows who, by way of both grief and tradition, had immolated themselves on their husbands’ funeral pyres. Sati memorials often ape the stylistic form of the hero-memorials (those which honour the fallen heroes, the husbands in most cases). So, men who fought and women who sacrificed were given equal acknowledgment, respect and memorial space among the Rajputs.
But the Maharaniyon ki Chhatriyan complex and Sati Memorial Stones stand in striking contrast to the cliché narratives about invisiblisation of Rajput Women.
Rajput Women and their Organised Diminution
A new historical fiction about a courtesan named Raskapoor is attracting attention, with critics and historians praising it as a true story of a woman mistreated by Rajput royalty. However, these same critics often claim that the character of Rajput Queen Padmavati (Padmini) is just a myth and lacks real evidence. It is troubling that a respected figure like Padmavati is dismissed as fictional, while Raskapoor is accepted as real, fitting into the old stereotype of the “victims of royalty.” This partisan treatment of Rajput history specially when it comes to Rajput women has unfairly solidified a negative image of the latter.
Similarly, a number of articles from independent media outlets express a dismissive attitude towards Rajput history, referring to Jauhars as simple surrenders and confusing the ideas of Sati and Jauhar to mislead readers. The issue with these articles is that the authors view medieval practices like Jauhar-Saka through a modern perspective, imposing current values and judgments on events from that time. It is important to note that modern feminist views cannot be fairly applied to historical contexts.
A further series of allegations has been directed at the Rajput nobility, who arranged marriages of their daughters to Mughal emperors and princes for political gain. Throughout world history, there are numerous instances of matrimonial alliances aimed at ensuring political stability; however, apparently, the Rajputs are criticized for their perceived subservience to the Mughals. Additionally, Rajput women face derision for being offered in marriage to the Mughals, leading to the suggestion that they were merely ‘given away to be bedded’ by the Mughals. Academia & media often mischievously use insulting terms for Mughal-Rajput matrimonial alliance such as ‘purchasing peace by “surrendering a daughter” to Akbar’s teeming harem’ Or “bartering a daughter to obtain clemency and crumbs”.
But as a matter of fact, marrying off one’s daughter formally used to be a respectable affair amongst the equals and it could not be equated with giving away one’s daughters under fear, greed or subjugation. Use of condescending tone for Rajputs for forging diplomatic relations with the Mughals using matrimony reflects how some quarters shrewedly fuel discord between two parties, and pit them against one another. When Rajputs remained undeterred & didn’t compromise with Mughals (Mewar Sisodias), the same voices opine that Rajputs were unsuccessful statesmen because revenge was their moral obligation. And the Rajputs clans which made alliance with
imperial power (Amber), they’re snubbed by calling them ‘opportunists/bartering their daughters’. In short, the intellectual dishonesty displayed by academia & media while assessing Rajput Mughal Relations exposes nothing but their inherent hatred for the Rajputs & their partisan attitudes.
Conclusion
It is unfortunate that Rajput women have been interpreted in public discourse according to the intelligentsia’s own criteria, pre-dispositions and standards; leading to varied conclusions, forming new and desired images of a quintessential Rajput Woman.
Regarding the society of medieval India under Rajput regime, it is often measured as ‘a rigid, repressive, and non-progressive one’ but on the contrary there are ample historical evidence from the vernacular as well as contemporary histories to prove that it was a progressive society. The status of Rajput women was neither ‘passive’ nor ‘submissive’, ‘…they played a pivotal role not only in the family but also took part in state of affairs. Women’s honour and dignity was of paramount importance. Widows led a different kind of life; they were not completely neglected and uncared for. Although practices like ‘sati’ existed in the society, yet it was neither so popular nor mandatory’.
In short, we can conclude that we have to break the mould in which image of a Rajput woman has been deliberately ‘constructed’ till date and it is imperative that we take a fresh look at historical evidence for a change in our perspective.
References:
Sita’s Daughters: Coming Out of Purdah by Leigh Minturn
The Mughals of India by Harbans Mukhia
The Politics of Marriage in Medieval India by Sabita Singh
Religion and Rajput Women : The Ethic of Protection in Contemporary Narratives by Lindsey Harlan
POSITION OF WOMEN IN THE RAJPUT PERIOD by Sumanbai Shinde
THE WORLD OF ROYAL RAJPUT WOMEN : HONOUR, RELATED RITUALS AND PRACTICES by GEETANJALI TYAGI (JNU)
ELITE RAJPUT WOMEN IN MEDIEVAL RAJASTHAN by RITU TIWARI (JNU)
Rajput Kingship by Arik Moran
Pardah and Portrayal: Rajput Women as Subjects, Patrons, and Collectors by Molly Emma Aitken
Inscribing the City: Women, Architecture, and Agency in an Indian Kingdom, Jodhpur 1750-1850 by Nandini M. Thilak (Heidelberg
University)
LIFE INSIDE THE ZENANI DEORHI OF RAJPUTS DURING THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD by Swati Detha
Meera versus Meera by Madhav Hada
Ranis & the Raj: The Pen and the Sword by Queeny Pradhan
Explores the Origins and Complexities of the Purdah System by Neeraj Kumar Mahawar
British Women Travellers: Empire and Beyond, 1770–1870 by Sutapa Dutta